Developing Europe's Rural Regions
in the Era of Globalization
DERREG
Case Study Regions
Click on the
hotspots on the map or scroll below for more information about the
regions:
1.
Physical Description
Övre Norrland or Upper Norrland is a National Area of Sweden, part of the
NUTS classification, composed by the counties of Norrbotten and
Västerbotten. It has limits with Norway (west), Finland (north and
east), Middle Norrland (south) and the Gulf of Bothnia (east), having an
overall area of more than 154,000 km² which corresponds to one third of
the total national territory of Sweden. To the west, the Scandinavian
Mountain chain in Upper Norrland is home to Sweden’s highest point,
Mount Kebnekaise at 2,107 meters above sea level, and Sweden’s deepest
lake, Hornavan, 232 m.
Upper Norrland has contrasting landscapes including plains bordering the
coast of the Gulf of Bothnia (where the biggest urban centres are
located), sand archipelagos in front of the coasts, rocks, mires and
hills in the interior (covered extensively by coniferous forests), and
high and steep mountain areas in the west with a number of glaciers,
low-vegetation patterns and harsh climate conditions.
Upper Norrland is also home to a considerable number of natural
reserves, bird sanctuaries and national parks from which is worth
highlighting the Laponian World Heritage Site (close to Kiruna and
Gällivare) composed by the National Parks Sarek, Padjelanta, Stora
Sjöfallet and Muddus, together with the nature reserves Sjaunja and
Stubba. Major important rivers in Upper Norrland include the Torne, Lule,
Kalix and Pite in Norrboten and Skellefte and Ume in Västerbotten, all
flowing from the mountains (north-west) to the Baltic Sea (east).
Social
and economic history
Upper Norrland is a multi-cultural and multi-lingual area, and apart from
Swedish, national minority languages such as Finnish,
Meänkieli and Saami are spoken here. The Sami
People have been living in Upper Norrland and others parts of
Fennoscandia for at least 2500 years ago constituting today one of the
largest indigenous group of Europe. The area was also inhabited by the
Kven People and other smaller tribes until the Middle-Ages when the
Swedish kings began the Christianization of Upper Norrland founding
small parishes and towns in the region. Umeå, first mentioned during the
13th century, as well as Luleå and Piteå founded in 1621
remained as the main agglomerations in Upper Norrland until today.
Economic activities have been always related to natural resources.
Woods, fish, pastures for reindeer and other husbandry were the starting
point. Later value was added through work to produce timber and food.
But mining and production of metals -which can be even traced back to
the 15th century- brought to the region after industrialization
processes the biggest possibility for massive expansion, jobs and the
growth of permanent population. Harsh climate conditions and lack of
transportation means avoided major economic activities until the end of
the 19th century. It was only after the improvement of communications’
infrastructure to the area (after the construction of railways to Norway
and southern Sweden and other roads) that massive expansion of the
iron-ore industry took place in the area.
Upper Norrland is additionally home of numerous research and innovation
institutions focussed in a diversity of key themes (IT and high-tech,
biomedicine and medical sciences, earth sciences among others) and other
alternative activities such as winter car testing, the ESTRACK Kiruna
Station of ESA (European Space Agency) and the North European Aerospace
Test range.
Physical description
The Comarca de Verín is situated in the
South-West of the Galician region (Spain) in the province of Ourense. It
comprehends 8 municipalities: Castrelo do Val,
Cualedro,
Laza,
Monterrei,
Oímbra,
Riós,
Verín and
Villardevós.
The Comarca is situated in the high basin of Támega river and it is
formed by the Monterrei Valley, and surrounded by the mountain systems
of San Mamede (
The climate in the Comarca varies between the valley and mountainous
municipalities, between Atlantic and continental. The weather in the
Verin hollow has a dry climate, with hot summers and cold winters.
Rainfall is around
Landscape in the Comarca is very diverse. However, there are two big
features to be distinguished: the hollow or the valley and the mountains
around. The hollow is characterised by a soft and flat topography. The
Tamega River crosses the valley where most of land is for agricultural
purposes. Monterrei valley and specially the area close to the river are
of sedimentary origin, deep and very fertile, therefore good for
cropping. Big part of the area is occupied by vegetable gardens with a
high variety of crops, but very often potatoes and forage. One of the
main productions with a long historical tradition is wine –nowadays the
Origin Designation of Monterrei. The river gives place to fertile
lowlands and wetlands with high biologic diversity of Mediterranean
influence. Here a point of major visual interest is the Monterrei castle
from where the whole valley can be seen.
The mountainous areas that surround the valley is characterised by
periglacial shapes, and peaks covered by different species of heather.
There also are big wooded areas with significant reservoirs of chestnut
trees and pines. Although there also are crops the productivity is
lower. The monte, formed by
forest and brushes is one of the main economic, ecological and landscape
riches of the Comarca. Linked to the forest there has been a quite
important wooden industry that is declining in the last years as a
consequence of forest fire as well as of the high time of immobilisation
to use the resources. Another important feature of the Comarca is the
existence of numerous mineral water springs originated in the fault that
crosses part of the valley. Many underground waters give place to
springs with important mineral-medicinal properties, which resulted in
spas in the past, and nowadays in three important industries to bottle
water: Fontenova, Sousas and Cabreiroá.
The most important natural resources of the Comarca are: the alluvial
complex of Támega wetlands
that belongs to Red Natura 2000 Río Támega and which are very rich as
regards fauna and flora; the above mentioned different mineral springs;
the forest and bush areas in the mountainous areas; the general
landscape of the Comarca; and last but not least, the natural park of
O Invernadoiro which belonging to Vilariño de Conso (out of the
Comarca) verges on the municipalities of Laza and Castrelo do Val. This
park is a typical Galician monte
landscape with rounded hills covered by endemic species: oak forests,
holly trees (Illex aquifolium),
yew trees (Taxus baccata),
sloes (Prunus spinosa). As
regards the fauna, in the park there are wolves, roe deers, wild boars,
and different species of birds. The park belongs to the
Red Natura 2000 Macizo Central
that includes a small part of Laza municipality.
Social and economic history
In the valley there is trace of civilisation
since Neolithic times (1000 b.c.) as well as from the Celtic and Roman
times where different tribes such as the
tamagani,
aobrigenses and
bíbalos gave name to rivers (Támega
and Bubal) and other place
names (Tamaguelos,
Oimbra). From this time there are many signals in the valley such as
the road that linked the Roman pave roads Antonino Pío 17 and 18, as
well as buildings remains, graves, etc. In the Middle Age the Comarca
appears with the name of Baroncelli Valley (year
In the 18th century there is process of growth and
economic development in the valley thanks to the improvement of farms,
the increase of mining production in 1786 and specially the construction
of the road between Benavente (Zamora) and Vigo (Pontevedra). In the 19th
century the Independence War started: General Soult invades the province
to assault Portugal, taking control of the Castle of Monterrei and
Comarca. In 1834 the disentailment or confiscation of all the Franciscan
and Mercedarian goods takes place –the jesuits had dissapeared during
Carlos III kingdom in 1767.
Around 1925 emigration to Latin America started, changing in the 60’s to
Europe, mainly France, Germany and Swiss, as well as to other Spanish
industrial areas and making an impact on population still visible
nowadays, although the trends are changing in the last years. Population
reached its top in 1960 with 43,285 inhabitants. In 2007 there were
28.548 inhabitants, which represent 8.49% of the total population of
Ourense, 1.02% of Galician population and 0.06% of Spanish population
(INE 2009). The intensive migration process started because of bad
economic conditions. The lost of young people in this rural area, as it
happens in the rest of Galician rural areas, has been accompanied
nowadays by a process of ageing and a negative vegetative growth.
7.
Jihomoravský kraj,
Physical description
From the geological viewpoint, the region is divided between older
Bohemian massif and younger Carpathian system. The landscape and
topography of the region consists of a good accessible landscape of
lowlands and uplands in the South with intensive agriculture and a
controversial Nové Mlýny water work and limestone Pavlovské vrchy hills
as a dominant, from the agricultural viewpoint less favourable areas of
northern highlands (mainly
Českomoravská vrchovina Highland and Drahanská vrchovina Highland with
Moravian karst), landscape of White Carpathians with valuable grasslands
in the east and urbanized and sub-urbanized landscape of the Brno
agglomeration in the contact zone between flat and undulating landscape
in the middle.
Social and economic history
South Moravia was mainly important for its agriculture in the past. It
was known as the Czech granary and the most important viniferous region.
In fact, it concerns mainly its southern part. Southern Moravia was
always a transit country between European north and south and also
between northwest and southeast. It led to very early railway connection
(1839) which evoked the industrialization in spite of insufficient local
row materials. The main industry was situated in Brno (textile, later
machinery) and also in some middle and small towns.
The ethnic system of pre-war South Moravia was created by Czech, German,
Jewish and in some cases also Croatian population. The events connected
with the WWII caused the disappearance of the mixed cultural milieu and
ethnically based population exchange in the southern part of the region.
Closing the border with Austria meant peripherisation of the southern
borderland. The industry was supported also by the socialist regime
which resulted in localization of industry in all towns. Such industrial
structure was based on huge factories (with thousands of jobs) which led
often to unilateral economic structure in individual towns. The industry
elaborating local products was marginal.
The
fall of socialism brought substantial changes: fall of the main
industrial plants and more or less successful transformation to the
diversified structure of SMEs and service sector including tourism,
opening the border with Austria and exposing of the south Moravian
agriculture to the international competition.
8.
Westerkwartier, the 
The “Westerwartier”
is a predominantly rural area situated in the West of Groningen province
in the North of the Netherlands. It comprises an area of 345 km² -of
which 80 % is agricultural land- and includes the municipalities
Grootegast, Marum, Leek and Zuidhorn. It is part of the administration
unit “Overige Groningen” (NUTS level 3).
The landscape of the “Westerkwartier” is nationally acknowledged for its
small fields and diversity. The region possesses a good infrastructure,
including train and bus services as well as a motorway connecting the “Westerkwartier”
with the provincial capital Groningen. Accordingly, the “Westerkwartier”
is an attractive residential area for young families, leading to a
younger age average than in the rest of the province.
Traditional economic sectors in the “Westerkwartier” are agriculture
(mainly dairy farming) and industry. In fact, one quarter of all
agricultural businesses in Groningen province are situated in the “Westerkwartier”
(e.g. 2.65 farms per km²). In recent years, however, agriculture has
lost its significance and the economic structure is changing slowly. For
example in Grootegast and Zuidhorn, agriculture is still given high
importance in maintaining the regional landscape. However, since the
motorway crosses Leek and Marum, these municipalities are transforming
into residential areas for commuters and providing spaces for industrial
parks. Accordingly, non-agricultural economic activities such as
transport and logistics, services, tourism and leisure are becoming more
and more important for the economy of the “Westerkwartier”.
9.
The CS region is characterized by the typical
North-South sequence of the Saxon landscape. Relief features are
ascending in a characteristic way from North to South. The northern part
of the CS region is affected by heath and pond landscapes followed
southwards by hilly landscapes and subdued mountains. This
characteristic sequence is just interrupted by the Elbe valley of
Dresden. The main river Elbe traverses the landscape from the South to
the North-west and carved deep valleys in the sandstone (Elbe Sandstone
Mountains) of the lower mountain range of the Saxon Switzerland. Other
important rivers are the Neisse river and the Spree river. The mentioned
increasing altitude from the North to the South of the region determines
the main flow direction of the rivers. In CS region altitudes differ
from below 100 m (Lusatian Lakeland) to 900 m (Eastern Ore Mountains)
above sea level. The highest mountains are Hochwald (749 m) and Lausche
(791 m) in the Zittau Mountains and the Kahleberg (905 m) in the Eastern
Ore mountains.
Social and economic history:
The social and economic history of the CS region
is closely connected to its topographic situation and the occurrence of
natural resources. First settlements are traceable to the Linear Pottery
culture near the rivers Elbe, Spree and Mulde at about 5,500 BC. The
dominance of the Thuringians until the 6th century AC was replaced by Slavic settlers from
eastern regions. Slavic as well as former German settlements can be
localized preferentially in open landscapes close to rivers or plains.
Moreover, they can be found on fertile soils. First dense settlement
structures developed in the Elbe valley of Dresden, the Lommatzscher
Pflege and in the landscapes near Bautzen and Goerlitz. The
medieval eastward migration
and settlements of Germans from “Old-Germany” and the Flemish
Netherlands in 11th and 12th century raised the
population density and reshaped the former Slavic settlements. Caused by
these migration processes the Germans held the majority of the
population and the Slavic population was assimilated. But especially in
Lusatia a Slavic tribe - the Sorbs – has preserved its ethnical
identity, culture and speech until today. Currently, there are living
65,000 Sorbs in the East of Saxony and in the South of Brandenburg.
Beside the soil fertility also the occurrence of
natural resources played an important role concerning the foundation of
settlements and towns in the region. Especially in the Ore Mountains
findings of silver and tin ores entailed city foundings in 15th
century (Altenberg, Schmiedeberg, Glashuette), the so-called “Mountain
Cities”. At that time the Ore Mountains became one of the leading
regions regarding science and technological progress. The commercial
relevance of mining declined in the middle of the 16th
century, while the production of textiles developed to a second economic
pillar. In addition, manufactures for the production of porcelain and
glass were established in 18th century (e.g. in Meißen).
In contrast to the inhabitants of the Ore Mountains the Lusatians were
very active in the agricultural sector. Due to the rich deposits of
lakes fishery became an important regional sector as well. An extension
of agricultural production was absolutely essential as population
density increased and caused higher demand of food in the period of
colonisation, starting at the end of 12th century. Moreover,
the proceeding Christianization of the Sorbs increased the production of
fish as ritual food. To meet the raised demand of fish Lusatian people
started to build artificial ponds at favourable hydrological places. A
wide spread pond system occurred in Upper Lusatia due to the
construction of canals, the favourable natural conditions and ownership
structures. Pond fishery kept its economical attractiveness during the
past centuries until today.
Trade and commerce concentrated in the major cities of the region. Based
on economical cooperation and the location near to long-distance trade
routes (i.e. Via Regia) prosperity increased especially in the Upper
Lusatian “six-city-league” (founded in 1346) including Lauban, Goerlitz,
Zittau, Loebau, Bautzen and Kamenz. Other tradition-rich economic
sectors in the CS region were (and still are) watchmaking industry in
Glashuette as well as winegrowing in the Elbe valley (Meißen, Radebeul).
The period of industrialization started in Saxony in the year 1835.
Especially the textile industry in the Ore Mountains and Upper Lusatia
was characterised by a rapid economic growth during the 19th
century. Another important industrial sector was mechanical engineering
(Bautzen, Neukirch). The economic growth was supported by an increasing
number of population during the period of industrialization. For Upper
Lusatia it is documented that the population rose by 56.5 percent
between 1830 and 1867. Moreover, the construction of transport
infrastructure was initialised. In addition to the main railway track
from Leipzig to Dresden (1839) a wide spread railroad system was
constructed in the region and also connections to Silesia and Bohemia
existed.
During the period of industrialization the increase of population as
well as commercial and industrial production led to an enormous energy
consumption which could not be satisfied by traditional energy sources
like wood. For that reason the State of Saxony began to look for other
energy sources like coal. At that time, the era of brown coal mining
started in the northern part of Upper Lusatia. Later on - in the 1970s
during the regime of the GDR - open-cast mining was intensified. Thus
the landscape of this region changed in a dramatic way.
During the last two decades exhausted mine areas have been renaturated
and now form a significant potential for recreation and tourism (lakes
etc.). Today one open-cast mining in Nochten/Reichwalde
and one coal power station in Boxberg are still operated.
Caused by the losses of German territory after WW II eastern parts of
the CS region became border areas. Belonging to the Soviet occupation
zone agriculture, handicraft and industry were reorganised in a
collective way. Energy production, textile and clothing industries as
well as engineering remained the most important industries in the CS
region, also in Socialist era. Besides, new mining activities were
started by the Soviets in the 1960s in the Eastern Ore Mountains (Königstein
in Saxon Switzerland). Uranium ore was exploited and used for nuclear
power plants and nuclear weapons. Uranium mining was stopped in the year
1990.
After German reunification in 1990 a transformation process started
which affected the economy as well as the whole society. On the one
hand, a lot of manufacturing companies were not competitive anymore and
broke down. On the other hand, an intensive migration process to former
West German regions started because of high unemployment rates and bad
economical conditions (amongst other things). Especially rural regions
are affected by this development in a fatal way. The demographic change
featured by a decrease of population and an
increase in the percentage of old people is currently one of the main
issues in the CS region.
Besides, there are some positive economic developments. A developing
sector is the production of High-Technologies for renewable energies
(i.e. photo-voltaic) around Dresden and in the former mining areas in
Upper Lusatia. In addition to this tourism is a still growing business
for a lot of people in the rural areas.
10. 
Physical description
The different topography within a confined space is a typical
characteristic of the Saarland. It ranges from the lime soil of the
Bliesgau, the sandy soil around Homburg, the coal mountains near
Neunkirchen and Friedrichsthal with thick deciduous forests and the
primeval forest which is only a few kilometres away from Saarbrucken to
the scenic plateaus of the Saargau with its green hills. One third of
the surface of the Saarland is covered with deciduous mixed forest. For
this reason, the Saarland belongs to the federal states with the highest
percentage of forest areas in Germany, next to Hesse and
Baden-Württemberg. The two highest peaks, the Dollberg and the
Schimmelkopf, each about 695 metres above sea level, are both only
partly located in Saarland. The highest mountains in Saarland are the
Füsselberg (595m), the Weiselberg (571m) and the Schaumberg (569m). The
areas of the Bliesgau and the Saargau are particularly important to the
Saarland because they are very fertile due to chalky rocks. The longest
river is the Saar which has its middle and lower reaches in the Saarland
and which gave the region its name. Other important rivers are the Blies,
Prims, Nied and Nahe. The Saarland is coined by a moderate oceanic
climate with average amounts of precipitation of 800 millimetres a year.
Furthermore, the Saarland belongs to the warmest regions of Germany.
Sources:
Landesamt für
Kataster-, Vermessungs- und Kartenwesen (State
Office for surveying and mapping, land
registration, cartography )(Hrsg.)
(o.J.): Geografie. Available on: http://www.saarland.de/geografie.htm
[Last access: 03/08/2009].
O. A. (o.J.):
Wandern, die touristische Trumpfkarte.
Available on:
http://vcontent.sol.de/digitalebeilagen/saarland/maxi/pdf/10012.pdf
[Last access: 03/08/2009].
O. A. (2009): Saarland. Available on:
http://www.lexolino.de/c,geographie_kontinente_europa_staaten_deutschland_bundesl%E4nder,saarland
[Last access: 03/08/2009].
Social & economic history
The integration of the Saarland into the Federal Republic of Germany
took place on January 1st, 1957. In many respects, the
Saarland has experienced a fundamental change of economic, social and
spatial structures during the last 50 years. The border location,
repeated military conflicts and destructions, as well as the affiliation
to different territories caused numerous discontinuities and contributed
substantially to the region’s changeful history.
Since the coming into force of the Treaty of Versailles on January 10th,
1920, it is possible to talk about a proper history of the Saarland.
Before, the state was split up into several territories. Due to the
regulations of the peace treaty of World War I, a new administrative
unit was created which included the coal and steel area and the
bordering workers’ residential area. It was named “Saargebiet” (Saar
region) or rather “Territoire de la Sarre”. By means of the Treaty of
Versailles, the Saar region was assigned to a government commission,
which was appointed by the League of Nations, for 15 years. With effect
from March 1st, 1935, the Saar region was reintegrated into
the German Reich, after about 90 percent of the population declared
themselves in favour of the reintegration in the course of the
referendum on January 13th, 1935. Thereafter, the official
name was changed into “Saarland” by the National Socialist government.
After World War II, the Saarland took again a special position. Under
French patronage, a semi-autonomous state was created with its own
legislative parliament and its own constitution, which came into force
in an economic and monetary union with France on December 17th,
1947. Before that, in 1946 and 1947, the borders of the Saarland were
extended. In 1949, another changing of the borders took place.
On October 23rd, 1954, the “Saar conflict” was solved by the
signing of the agreement between the Federal Republic of Germany and
France. However, the planned “European Statute” (“Saar Statute”) was
rejected by the population on October 23rd, 1955. This
decision made the political reorientation possible which came along with
the Saar Treaty (Luxembourg, October 27th, 1956). This treaty
decided about the political integration of the Saarland – as a proper
federal state – into the Federal Republic on January 1st,
1957. The high degree of territorial-political development, marked by
unsteadiness and inconsistency, lead to serious economic consequences.
Furthermore, economy itself contributed significantly to the structural
change in the region, especially since the first half of the nineteenth
century.
Due to innovation in coal mining, in iron and steel industry and
development of new means of transport, economic, social and residential
structures changed fundamentally. These developments are mirrored in the
growth of industrial cities, the emergence of the densely-populated
space of the Saarland, as well as a comparatively early suburbanisation
of the rural areas. Further characteristics are represented by the
population growth, the formation of significant commuter traffic and the
peasantry of workers and miners, which is typical for the region.
The result of the numerous discontinuities and the diverse processes of
change and adjustment in the border region of Lorraine and Saarland are
historical and scenic singularities which give the landscape its unique
appeal. After the integration of the Saarland into the Federal Republic
of Germany, the structural change, caused by socio-economic factors such
as the coal and steel industry crisis, the economic globalisation and
the demographic change, continues. But also the Franco-German
reconciliation and the European integration have their impacts on the
border region.
In terms of demography, Saarland takes a special position between the
new and the West German federal states. In no other federal state,
economic changes interact with the demographic development of a state in
such a close and immediate way. A consequence of this interaction is the
vanguard role of the Saarland in comparison to the other West German
federal states. The Saarland has already carried out, either earlier or
partly more distinctive, parts of the demographic change, which are
still in store especially for the other West German federal states. The
special position concerning demography of the Saarland becomes clear by
the comparison of the population development of the Saarland with that
of the West German federal states. Whereas the residential population in
West Germany has grown in the period of 1961 to 2004 by more than 20
percent, the population in Saarland stayed approximately the same during
this period.
Also during the past decade, the gap between West Germany altogether and
the Saarland has been widening even faster and is by no means closed. In
terms of demography, Saarland is not a West German but an “East German”
federal state, because it is the only West German state which has
reported a decrease in population for the period of 1990 to 2004, just
like the East German states (Hohnhorst 2007, p. 69 et seqq.). Firstly,
the cause of this is an increasing birth deficit. Since 2004, migration
losses increased the fall in population. In the year of 2007, 16700
people, who moved to the Saarland, were registered. However, migration
losses were reported that year because almost 188000 people left the
state. Hence, the population development is characterised, on the one
hand, by the decline in the birth rate and, on the other hand, by
migration losses which additionally coin the process of ageing and the
decrease in the population of the Saarland (Ertl 2007, p. 21 et seqq.).
The central keyword, which has coined the economic development of the
Saarland over the last decades, is the term of “structural change”. This
describes massive job losses in the once predominating coal and steel
industry, as well as the efforts of regional actors to provide new jobs
in other business sectors.
However, for the people living in Saarland, there is much more
hidden behind this term of “structural change” of the last three and a
half decades. This is the case especially for the quality of jobs.
Structural change is often linked to the changed sector weightings.
Thus, the manufacturing industry in Saarland has lost its once
predominating role as a job provider. This is especially the case for
the coal and steel industry, which has been coining the Saarland since
the nineteenth century, and which directly provided with 80000 jobs
almost every fifth employment in Saarland in 1970 (Lerch 2007, p. 121 et
seqq.). Due to the reduction of the hard coal extraction from 16.3
million tons in 1957 to 3.7 million tons in 2006, the number of
employees was reduced from approximately 64000 to only 6400. Likewise,
the number of collieries went down from 18 to one single location in the
same period of time (Dörrenbächer 2007, p. 101). Till 2012, the
extraction of coal in the mine on the river Saar will cease definitely.
Today, only 7 percent of the employees in Saarland work in the coal and
steel industry. But also in the industry, there are winners in the long
term: the automotive industry alone provides 24000 jobs today. Together
with the supplying industry, the automotive sector offers work to
roughly 42000 employees. Presently, 71 percent of all gainfully employed
persons in Saarland work in the service sector. In 1972, only 46 percent
were employed in this line of business. This development was caused by
primarily private and business service providers (Lerch 2007, p. 122 et
seqq.). Particular significance must be attached to the establishments
during the eighties whose initial ideas came from the institutions of
higher education in the Saarland. Among these are the IT and consulting
company IDS Scheer AG, Orbis AG and the SAP branch office in St. Ingbert
who provide together more than 3000 jobs today. The insurance company
CosmosDirekt also plays an important role as an employer with more than
1000 employees (Giersch 2007, p. 137). In addition, there is the central
European location with its traditionally close trade relations to France
and cross-border interconnections to the “European region Saar-Lor-Lux”.
Sources:
Brockhaus
Enzyklopädie Online (Hrsg.) (2009): Das Saarland – Porträt des „jüngsten
der altern Bundesländer“.
Available on: http://www.brockhaus.de/aktuell/thema.php?t_id=140&jahr=2007
[Last access: 03/08/2009].
Dörrenbächer,
P., Kühne, O. & Wagner, J. M. (Hrsg.) (2007): 50 Jahre Saarland im
Wandel (S. 6-9). Saarbrücken: Institut für Landeskunde im Saarland.
Dörrenbächer, P. (2007): 50 Jahre Saarland – 50 Jahre Kohlekrise. Die
Entwicklung des saarländischen Steinkohlenbergbaus. In: Dörrenbächer,
P., Kühne, O. & Wagner, J. M. (Hrsg.) (2007): 50 Jahre Saarland im
Wandel (p. 101-113). Saarbrücken: Institut für Landeskunde im Saarland.
Ertl, D. (2007): Bevölkerungsentwicklung 2006. Stärkster
Bevölkerungsrückgang seit 1978. In: Statistisches Amt Saarland (Saarland
Statistical State Office) (Hrsg.) (2007): Statistisches Quartalsheft
Saarland, Heft 3, S. 21-29.
Giersch, V.(2007): Erfolgreiche Industrieansiedlung – tragfähige Basis
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